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As I write, Spanish riot police are attacking Catalan firefighters as they attempt to protect voters from brutal assaults – hundreds have been seriously injured in a level of state violence against Spain’s citizens not seen since the death of the fascist dictator Francisco Franco. Across the planet, openly fascist and racist politicians are entering government, assaults on immigrants are becoming routine, and workers and their unions are under full-scale attack.
In the United States, armed fascists recently paraded in the streets of Charlottesville, chanting Nazi slogans, threatening Jewish worshippers in a synagogue, attacking African-American clergy, and murdering Heather Heyer, one of thousands who took to the streets to challenge the fascist hordes. In Portland, a fascist murdered two people who intervened when he began shouting racist and anti-Muslim insults at two young women riding a streetcar. In Seattle, on the same day that Trump took office, a fascist shot and nearly killed an IWW member trying to de-escalate a conflict that erupted when her husband began assaulting protesters with pepper spray after warning her not to start shooting until things escalated, so that they could claim self-defense. (Police released the shooter and her accomplice within hours, only bringing assault charges three months later.)
After 50 years of stagnating wages, speed-ups, unprecedented joblessness, and rising despair, people are understandably angry. But rather than focusing that anger on our exploiters and organizing to dump the bosses off our backs, too many are listening to demagogues who urge us to blame workers in other countries, women, and racial or religious minorities. In these dark times, bigots of all sorts are slithering into the open, spewing hatred and fomenting division and fear.
The labor movement has a pivotal role to play in this struggle. The bosses have always tried to divide us, to pit workers against each other to keep us weak. To their shame, some unions have fallen for this. But there is a long tradition of labor solidarity, as well. Before the Civil War, labor reform societies demanded emancipation and the right of all workers to organize. In the 1880s the Knights of Labor welcomed African-American members even in the former Confederacy, though it organized them into segregated assemblies. Even in Richmond, Virginia, the Knights supported African-American workers in their labor struggles. When the Knights held their national General Assembly there, many delegates refused to stay in segregated hotels and Knights officials reaffirmed their commitment to racial equality. (In the aftermath of the Assembly, local membership in the Knights plummeted, whether as a result of backlash against the integrated ceremonies, employer intimidation, or the widespread attack against unions in the wake of the 8-hour day movement and the attack on workers at Haymarket Square.)
Even radical unionists had mixed records. The American Railway Union, while open to workers of every craft, joined the Railroad Brotherhoods in barring membership to African-Americans. The United Mine Workers and the Industrial Workers of the World, however, actively organized African-American workers, recognizing that there could be no progress without industrial solidarity. On the West Coast, IWW organizers challenged longstanding discrimination against Chinese and Japanese workers. In Louisiana and Texas, the IWW-affiliated Brotherhood of Timber Workers organized integrated locals and defied Jim Crow legislation. In Philadelphia, the IWW organized the country’s first integrated longshore union, responding to the bosses’ long history of pitting workers against each other with integrated work gangs and direct action on the job. And when KKK vigilantes tried to break up IWW organizing in the Maine forests in 1924, 200 IWW members patrolled the streets of Greenville to prevent the Klan from carrying out its threats.
As IWW organizer Ben Fletcher noted, writing in The Messenger in 1923,
“the employing class are the beneficiaries of these policies of Negro Labor exclusion and segregation… No genuine attempt by Organized Labor to wrest and worthwhile and lasting concessions from the Employing Class can succeed as long as Organized Labor for the most part is indifferent and in opposition to the fate of Negro Labor.
“Organized Labor can bring about a different situation – one that will speed the dawn of Industrial Freedom. First by excising their Race exclusion clauses. Second, by enrolling ALL workers in their Industrial or Craft jurisdictions… Collective dealing with the Employing Class is the only way by which Labor can procure any concessions from them… It is the only way in which to establish industrial stability … and finally Industrial freedom.”
The Congress of Industrial Organizations heeded this lesson, actively confronting bigotry as it organized workers across ethnic and racial lines, including in the South where Jim Crow laws still prevailed. Despite continuing discrimination in some unions, labor unions offered substantial support to the Civil Rights movement, and to struggles by African-American workers for better conditions. When AFSCME-organized sanitation workers struck in Memphis in 1968, the city hired white scabs in an attempt to break the strike. But local and national unions came to the workers’ defense, as did civil rights activists including Martin Luther King Jr., who was assassinated while in Memphis to support the striking workers. The strike was settled after a silent march of 42,000 through the streets of Memphis, though shorter strikes were needed to force the city to honor its agreement.
Today the American labor movement is in crisis. Laws restrict unions from engaging in solidarity actions, employing direct action to enforce decent conditions, or even from representing their members at all. Immigration agents seize workers who dare to complain about unpaid wages, and judges allow employers to fire workers for the “disloyalty” of disseminating information about the conditions under which they work. When workers strike, police serve as scabherders – often receiving bonus pay from the employers for their service. Police allow armed fascists to march in the streets, but herd workers into protest pens far removed from the facilities they are picketing.
Many workers are fighting back. In August ILWU Local 10 voted to strike to join protests against a planned San Francisco fascist rally, prompting the fascists to scurry for cover. Following the deportation of a 26-year Teamster member (a Guatemalan refugee arrested during his annual check-in with immigration officials), New York City-based 120,000-member Teamsters Joint Council 16 declared itself a “sanctuary union.” Several unions joined May Day demonstrations across the country in solidarity with their immigrant members, and many unions are providing legal and other assistance to immigrant members.
These are important steps to building a culture of solidarity, and toward acting in our collective self-defense against these attacks not only on our economic well-being, but against our very survival. Bigots, fascists and union-busters have been emboldened by recent events; only our solidarity and our determination can turn them back.
ASR 71-72 is on the press. This is a double issue, with special sections on labor’s fight against fascism and labor-community struggles in South Africa, as well as articles on the history of the term Libertarian (and of anarchist opposition to sexism), Anarchism and Play, and Eco-Anarchism.
2. ASR & the Challenges Facing the Syndicalist Movement
3. Wobbles: Loyalty to the Bosses, Refusing Deportations, Booting La Migra, Golden Age for Workers? …
5. International Labor News Compiled by Mike Hargis
6. Wildcat in Vietnam… Labor Shorts by John Kalwaic
8. ARTICLES: Fascist Attack in Charlottesville
8. Unions Against Fascism by Shane Burley
10. Flying Squads & Self Defense Now by Jeff Shantz
12. Anarchists Against Hitler from the Kate Sharpley Library
13. Fighting Fascism: Lessons from Italy by Iain McKay
16. 160 Years of Libertarian by Iain McKay
24. On the Male & Female Human-Being by Joseph Déjacque
28. SPECIAL SECTION: People’s Power, Workers’ Control & Grassroots Politics in South Africa: Rethinking Practices of Self-Organization & Anti-Apartheid Resistance in the 1980s
28. S African ‘Workerism’ in the 1980s by Lucien van der Walt
32. Lessons from the 1984-85 Vaal Uprising by Jonathan Payn
37. Self-Organization in South Africa by Daria Zelenova
41. The Playful Anarchist by Brian Martin
45. REVIEWS: Eco-Socialism, Eco-Anarchism & the Anthropocene Review essay by Wayne Price
47. Debt: Anarchist Economics Review by Chad Anderson
50. Graeber on bureaucracy Review by Jeff Stein
51. Fighting the Spanish Revolution Review by Jeff Stein
52. Kropotkin’s Activist Anarchism Review by Iain McKay
53. This Fight is Our Fight? Saving America’s Middle Class Review by Wayne Price
56. Transnational Anarchism Review by Martin Comack
57. Economics of Labor Repression Review by Jon Bekken
58. Radical Press Review Review by Mike Hargis
59. LETTERS: Fighting CEO Pay, Reviving the Cold War…
A member of the IWW was nearly killed in Seattle Jan. 20 by neo-fascist Elizabeth Hokoana, after she and her husband Marc infiltrated anti-inauguration and Milo Yiannopoulos protests at the University of Washington’s Red Square.
Video of the protests show Mark Hokoana warning his wife “don’t shoot anyone,” “they have to start it.” He then attacked protesters with pepper spray, sparking a confrontation which ended in the shooting of Industrial Workers of the World activist Joshua Dukes, who was trying to de-escalate the situation. The Wobbly, shot in the stomach, was hospitalized for a month, underwent emergency surgeries to save his life, and is now in physical therapy.
The day before the shooting, Marc Hokoana messaged a friend on Facebook, stating, “I’m going to wade through their ranks and start cracking skulls.”
Remarkably, police released the couple without charges just hours after they surrendered. They claimed to be investigating the shooting, searching Marc Hoakana’s cell phone in February. Media reports say he erased its memory before turning it over to police. “I would describe [Marc and Elizabeth] as being very polite and cooperative,” said University of Washington Police Department Major Steve Rittereiser.
One need not speculate as to how the Wobbly would have been treated had he shot one of the neo-fascists. Scores of protestors arrested the same day for demonstrating without a permit or allegedly breaking windows were held for days and are now facing felony charges.
Yet the “investigation” dragged on for more than three months before prosecutors filed assault charges against the Hokoanas April 24. They offered no explanation of why they were not bringing attempted murder charges. During the investigation, Seattle authorities – including “socialist” city councilor Kshama Sawant, a member of a Trotskyist party – kept mum, taking no action to defend the rights of Wobblies and other activists to assemble without being assaulted or killed.
Indeed, the shooting has been followed by a series of threats against University of Washington campus activists. A self-identified white supremacist told a graduate student instructor he was going to shoot her and her class; campus authorities refused to take action even after her car windows were smashed a few days later. She subsequently quit the graduate program, explaining that, “a PhD isn’t worth getting shot for.” On Feb. 15, the theater where a Shakespeare play was being performed by leading actors who were people of color was glued over with posters proclaiming, “Yellow, Black and Brown. Look out! The Nazis have come to town!”
Neo-fascists are openly organizing armed groups to carry out such attacks. In Portland, Oregon, the head of the local Republican Party called for such a force in the wake of the murder of two people who tried to stop a neo-Nazi draped in an American flag from harassing Muslim women.
In Berkeley, Kyle Chapman, charged with assault with a deadly weapon against local activists March 4, has joined other neo-fascists to organize the “Fraternal Order of the Alt-Knights.” “Our emphasis will be on street activism, preparation, defense and confrontation,” Chapman told The Root.
Too many still look to “national liberation” struggles (as if some unitary “nation” exists, rather than exploiters and exploited, oppressors and oppressed) or reforms within the system. In South Africa we can see every day the folly of trusting those who would act in our behalf, or who seek to accommodate our urgent needs to the constraints of the system.
“The struggle of the black working class majority of Freedom Park, South Africa, is not just for land on which to build housing – although that is obviously a central issue and key demand; nor is it just against the accompanying political and police violence and intimidation. It is a struggle against the injustice, violence and corruption of a system that puts the power, privileges and profits of a few before the lives and wellbeing of the majority.” (click on the link below for the full report)
Anarcho-Syndicalist Review 69 (Winter 2017) is on the press, and will ship to subscribers in early January.
This issue features a special section on anarchist responses to resisting the Trumpocolypse, as well as articles on fighting capitalism to save the planet, a special section looking back on the First International and the battle between the emerging anarchist and Marxist currents, the 100th anniversary of the Russian Revolution, and reviews of new books on anarchism in Bulgaria and the United States, a biography of Frank Little, and more…
“Whenever someone starts talking about the “free market,” it’s a good idea to look around for the man with the gun. He’s never far away.”— David Graeber, “The Utopia of Rules”
The Philadelphia Fraternal Order of Police recently won an arbitration order reinstating police officers caught on video in one of a series of robberies of 22 bodegas. (There was a back-up camera in this particular bodega, which filmed the cops cutting the wire to the camera they could see; the other victims only had one camera and so had only their accounts, which the police of course ignored.) A Washington Post columnist aptly described the outcome as “a lesson in American justice.”
The FOP and its ilk like to style themselves as unions, and to lay claim to the heritage of labor struggles for social justice. The Boston police who struck in 1919 (and were all fired) may have had the right to make such a claim. But today’s police “unions” are well-honed political machines which defend the thugs in uniform no matter how clear cut the evidence of murder, torture and other abuses. In These Times reviews this sordid history in a recent post to its web site focusing on Chicago and New York City. It concludes with these words:
police unions further the-all-too-accurate conception that the police are an occupying force in poor communities of color, and are antithetical in principle and action to the progressive principles of the labor movement.
The April 7 issue of The Nation has a guest editorial, “Plea Time for Snowden,” that calls on the Obama administration to offer whistleblower Edward Snowden a deal: jail time of nine months to a year (perhaps, they suggest, Obama might commute it, much as George Bush II did for Scooter Libby — convicted for exposing an undercover CIA agent for no purpose other than revenge on her husband, who had exposed one of the lies behind the Bush regime’s case for invading Iraq), and two years of “debriefing” by the national “intelligence” agencies. (NPR reported this morning noting that a three-year study found that ordinary citizens armed with a Google search engine were about as good at predicting world events as were “intelligence” agencies armed with their surveillance records and other “secrets,” some of which may even have been true.)
Snowden has little chance of persuading a judge that his disclosures were justified, they argue. Perhaps that’s true; there’s little evidence that the courts are much interested in justice, or in the indisputable fact that his disclosures have shed much-needed light on the massive scope of government snooping. (Indeed, much of the scandal arises from the fact that the spies have gone beyond the almost-universally-accepted spying on ordinary citizens to snooping on the heads of “friendly” governments and even rooting around in the files of U.S. senators and destroying information that might embarrass the CIA.)
Snowden broke promises, blew the whistle on surveillance programs and tarnished the reputation of the country abroad, but his actions led to an important national policy debate that would not have happened but for him…
So he should go to jail. With liberals like these, who needs conservatives?
Meanwhile, George Bush the Second and his team of war criminals walk the streets undisturbed, the Guantanamo detainees (many of whom the government admits it has no reason to hold) continue to be tortured, no GM executive will go to jail for decisions that killed at least 13 people in order to save 90 cents on a car part, and the looters who sparked the continuing economic catastrophe are wallowing in their unearned millions. Ain’t capitalism wonderful?
by Rafael Uzcategui [from El Libertario newspaper]
February 21, 2014
On February 4th, 2014, students from the Universidad Nacional Experimental del Tachira (Experimental University of Táchira), located on an inland state of the country, protested due to the sexual assault of a female classmate as a result of the current insecurity situation of the city. The protest was repressed, and several students were detained.
The next day, other universities around the country had their own protests requesting the release of these detainees, being at the same time repressed and some of them incarcerated. The wave of indignation had the context of the economic crisis, the shortage of first necessity items and the crisis of basics public services, as well as the beginning of the enforcement of an economic plan on behalf of the President Nicolas Maduro.
Two opposing politicians, Leopoldo Lopez and Maria Corina Machado, tried to capitalize on the wave of discontent rallying for new protests under the slogan “The Way Out” and try to pressure for the resignation of president Maduro. Their message also reflected the rupture and divisions among opposing politicians and the desire to replace Henrique Capriles’ leadership, who publicly rejected the protests. The Mesa de la Unidad Democratica (Democratic Unity Table) coalition, didn’t support them either.
When the government suppressed the protests, it made them grow bigger and wider all over the country. On February 12th, 2014, people from 18 cities protested for the release of all of the detainees and in rejection of the government. In some cities, inland, particularly punished by scarcity and lack of proper public services, the protests were massive. In Caracas, three people were murdered during the protests. The government blames the protesters, but the biggest circulating newspaper in the country, Ultimas
Noticias (Latest News), who receives the biggest advertising budget from the government, reveals through photographs, that the murderers were police officers. In response, Nicolas Maduro stated on National television and radio broadcast that police enforcement had been “infiltrated by the right wing.”
Repression against protesters not only uses police and military enforcement agencies, it incorporates the participation of militia groups to violently dissolve the protests. A member of PROVEA, a human rights NGO, was kidnapped, beaten and threatened with death by one of then on the west side of Caracas. President Maduro has publicly encouraged these groups, which he calls “colectivos” (collectives).
The Venezuelan government actually controls all of the TV stations, and has threatened with sanctions, radio stations and newspapers that transmit information about protests. Because of this, the privileged space for the distribution of information has been the social media networks, especially twitter. The use of personal technological devices has allowed the record keeping through videos and photographs of ample aggressions of the repression forces.
Human rights organizations report detainees all over the country (many of them already released), the number has surpassed 400, and they have suffered tortures, including reports of sexual assault, cruel treatment, inhumane and degrading. As this is being written 5 people have been murdered in the context of the protests.
In his speeches, Nicolas Maduro, stimulates the protesters that are against him to assume even more radical and violent positions. Without any criminal investigation, he automatically stated that each deceased person has been murdered by the same protesters, whom he disqualifies permanently with all of the possible adjectives.
However, this belligerence seems not to be shared by all the chavista movement, because a lot of it’s bases are waiting for what happens next, without any expressions of support. Maduro has only managed to rally public employees to the street protests he has done. In spite of the situation and due to the grave economic situation he faces, Nicolas Maduro continues to make economic adjustments, being the most recent, the increase of the tax unit.
The state apparatus reiterates repeatedly that it is facing a “coup,” that what happened in Venezuela on April 2002 will repeat itself. This version has managed to neutralize the international left wing, which hasn’t even expressed its concern about the abuses and deaths in the protests.
The protests are done in many parts around the country and are lacking in center and direction, having being called through social media networks. In the protesters themselves, there are many diverse opinions about opposing political parties, by which it is possible to find so many expressions of support and rejection at the same time.
In the case of Caracas they are starred specially by middle class sectors and college students. On the other hand, in other states, other popular sectors have joined the protests. In Caracas the majority of the petitions are political, freedom for the detainees and the resignations of the president, while in other cities social demands are incorporated, such as inflation, scarcity and lack of proper public services. Even though some protests have turned violent, and some protesters have used fire guns against police and militia groups, the majority of the protests, specially outside of Caracas, remain peaceful.
The Revolutionary Independent Venezuelan Left (anarchists, sectors that follow Trotsky, Marx, Lenin and Guevara) don’t have any incidence in this situation and we are simple spectators. Some of us are simply actively denouncing state repression and helping the victims of human rights violations.
Venezuela is a historically oil driven country, it possesses low levels of political culture amongst its population, explaining why the opposing protesters have the same “content” problem as the bases of support for the government. But while the international left wing continues to give its back, and support without any criticism the government’s version of “the coup,” it leave thousands of protesters to the mercy of the most conservative of opposition’s political parties, without any reference to anti-capitalists, revolutionaries and true social change that could influence them.
In this sense, the detention of Leopoldo Lopez, conservative opposition leader, tries to make his own figure the center of a dynamic movement, that up until this moment, that this is been written, had surpassed the political parties of the opposition and the government of Nicolas Maduro.
What will happen in the short term? I think nobody knows exactly, especially the protesters themselves. The events are developing minute after minute.
For more alternative information about Venezuela, we recommend:
http://periodicoellibertario.blogspot.com (in Spanish)
http://www.derechos.org.ve (in Spanish)
http://laclase.info (in Spanish)
http://www.nodo50.org/ellibertario (in Spanish, English & other languages)
The conflict against Santander Bank-Isban continues to increase with no sign of willingness to dialogue from the company. After the dismissal of Isban CNT-AIT section union delegate, revolutionary unions federated in the IWA-AIT are spreading the message of the workers in struggle and preparing coordinated actions worldwide.
(Note that Santander bought the U.S.-based Sovereign Bank during the financial crisis, and last month rebranded all Sovereign outlets under the Santander name.)
Isban: Missery, slavery and fear
Isban, a computer services company owned by the overpowerful Santander group property of Emilio Botin, is the umbrella company that sustain a network of “cannon fooder” provider companies that act as temporary employment agencies and set cheap and precarious labor.
More than 10,000 employees worldwide are illegally transferred to Isban, so to fire someone they simply inform the temporary employment agencies on duty. (In Spain and many other countries, employees have legal rights against discharge once past a probationary period.) No cost to the bank, of course, as according to them it is not a redundancy but a “project change,” the agency then either dismisses the worker or transfers them to another “customer” company.
Through this practice millionaires benefit by saving in hiring and firing, while maintaining dozens of companies under their control. All obey its guidelines as none wants to lose a profitable “client.” Some even give up to 100% of its employees to the bank, weaving a network of illegal subcontracting mafia.
The climate of fear and helplessness that Isban workers live is absolute, fearing homelessness if they make even minimal protest. This facilitates the acceptance of surreal working hours, overtime and mandatory shifts, schedules and work schedule as, categories and wages below the roles played and countless more outrages.
Santander Group: Greed, corruption and spoiling
Recently there have been hundreds of irregular dismissals across the Santander group, framed in what workers have denounced as undercover Redundancy Dismissal Procedure. Santander Back-office (SBGM) and Isban CSA services staff have seen their rates reduced to 50% in a few months. In addition, the workers selected to leave the bank have been less “temporary” staff and the most vulnerable. The outsiders (workers illegally transferred), short-time mothers and displaced workers abroad have been the preferred targets for cuts. With the collusion of government and scab unions, massive job destruction comes out practically free for the Santander group.
And all this despite the fact that the Santander Group is not losing money, but rather made a profit of €2,255 million in the first six months of 2013, almost 30% more than in the same period of 2012. An extremely hypocritical attitude clashes with the group advertising image which boast of lifting the country thanks to the trust in people and the future. A future of millions of people led to unemployment and poverty.
It is not the first time the tyrannical methods of the billionaire Emilio Botin are reported, but so far has not been done justice. In 2008 the Supreme Court filed by defects in the process the case against Botin and other bank executives for the irregular buying of Banesto bank. In 2012 the National Hearing filed the famous case of Swiss accounts after the Botin family disburse €200 million to “regularize the situation.”
Recently have uncovered new atrocities committed by this multinational giant as promoting subprime mortgages that caused the current economic crisis. The credit institution UCI, Santander Group, awarded for years unaffordable loans. We were not living beyond our means, the bank was mortaging above our means: to take advantage of defaults after foreclosing and evicting the most vulnerable.
It is curious that in early 2008, when the world crisis was not yet on everyone’s lips, Santander sold almost all its real estate. Even the luxurious Boadilla financial city (bank headquarters with over 160 acres of offices, hotels and even a golf camp) was sold and maintained rented since then. The Botin CEOs knew what they had generated and protected their interests by selling at a good price before the bubble burst.
Other liens have contributed to the growth of the assets of the business group. While the boom brick lasted, the bank provided loans to builders millionaires, some of them involved in the case of urbanism corruption Malaya case. After the fall of the construction sector, the bank foreclosed on their properties, which now are gived to the new generation family who hire their mortgages.
Other notorious case is the extortionate interest charges to college students through Santander Bank accounts that are automatically engaged when enrolling in universities that have agreements with the group. Again Santander uses its position of power to bleed the people that have made them rich.
Last September 17th, Rodrigo Rato (ex-Spanish economy minister) was named international councelor in Santander group. In the past, he was Santander councelor between 2008 and 2010. Then he was named president of Caja Madrid (Bankia). He dismissed after asking the Spanish government for a rescue plan for the savings bank of €6,000 million of public funds.
Rato announced €309 million of benefits for Bankia in 2011. But when he left, Bankia got €3,000 million of losses. He is on trial since July 2012 because of Bankia management and the millionaire losses. Now he comes back to Botin side exploiting the Spanish revolving door system, where politicians easily become businessmen and vice versa.
What’s more, Santander Bank has €96,72 million in arms companies’ mutual funds. The product of this funding is high-tech military weaponry like Leopard tanks, M45, M51, ASMP, ICBM y Minuteman nuclear missiles, Trident and Ohio nuclear submarines, uranium ammunition for Challenger2 and CHARM3 tanks, cluster bombs… Their money is stained with the blood of the wars that kill our people.
Santander Group also promotes the worst forms of torture designed by human beings being in charge of managing the financial movements of correctional institutions and other public administrations. Since 2002 Santander receives profits from the judicial accounts. The payment of penalties fine, bonds, indemnities and salaries of about 50,000 jailers and employees of the judiciary, as well as the money destinated to the prisons in the Spanish State. More than 3 billion euros annually from the business of State torture are managed by Santander Group.
This way, Santander CIOs become accomplices to all the torture and deaths of prisoners in custody in the Spanish State. More than 100 people were killed during the years 2010 and 2011. More than 6.986 cases of torture at the hands of the Spanish State were reported between 2001 and 2010.
The workers’ response
In this anti-workers policy, Santander interests collide now with organized workers. The dismissal of the delegate of the National Confederation of Workers CNT at Isban has triggered the rapid escalation of the conflict, because this violation of freedom will not be tolerated here or anywhere.
SOLIDARITY AGAINST SANTANDER-ISBAN!
STOP OUTSOURCING! REINSTATE THE FIRED UNION DELEGATE!
Section of Telecommunications and Information Services, CNT-AIT Madrid
The CNT has called for the next International day of action against Santander Bank on December 12th. We are asking all our comrades to carry out the following actions, as far as they are able:
– Demonstrations at the doors of Santander Bank, Isban or Panel Sistemas branches.
– Closing accounts of unions and individuals in Santander Bank, informing that the closing is done in solidarity with the Isban workers on fight in Madrid.
– E-mails in solidarity with the Isban workers on fight and claiming for the fired comrade readmission to the following e-mail adresses:
If there is anyone interested in joining in in Pennsylvania, please get in touch.